{"info":{"_postman_id":"3c7a3489-bfb7-49fa-9952-f1892db9b19c","name":"PeakMetrics - Journalists API","description":"

PeakMetrics' Journalists API allows for querying against PeakMetrics' media contacts database.

Ability to Search by:

Name + publication
Article text (ie have they written an article with a specific phrase)
Topics (such as people or orgs they write about)
Geography based on publication (by lat-long)
Language
Publications they write for
Twitter bio

Returns:

The source they write for (ie NY Times)
Twitter handle / bio (if available)
Profile Photo (if available)
Feed of Recent Stories (stories per week w/ article headlines + snippets)
Contact information (if available)
Frequent topics (people, organizations, locations)
Average social engagement on Facebook for stories

Authentication:

PeakMetrics will provide an API key or integrate with an OAuth2 authentication token.

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Beta Search Journalists Endpoint

Allows for searching across any field, including by \"beat\", as well viewing exposed emails in a single query.

Note that this endpoint is designed to be called on-demand by the user and is rate limited to 50 calls per minute.

Available \"Topics\" include:

['POLITICS', 'WORLD NEWS', 'ENTERTAINMENT',\n       'UNDERREPRESENTED VOICES', 'ENVIRONMENT', 'WOMEN',\n       'STYLE & BEAUTY', 'FOOD & DRINK', 'SPORTS', 'CRIME', 'PARENTING',\n       'BUSINESS & FINANCE', 'HEALTH & WELLNESS', 'MISCELLANEOUS',\n       'EDUCATION', 'SCIENCE & TECH', 'IMPACT', 'TRAVEL', 'RELIGION']\n

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ma=86400, h3-28=\":443\"; ma=86400, h3-29=\":443\"; ma=86400"}],"cookie":[],"responseTime":null,"body":"{\n \"results\": {\n \"pages\": 2,\n \"per_page\": 10,\n \"cur_page\": 1,\n \"max_score\": null,\n \"hits\": [\n {\n \"_id\": \"332692972\",\n \"_score\": 18.716637,\n \"_source\": {\n \"author_uid\": \"6637/David Leask\",\n \"author\": \"David Leask\",\n \"beat\": [\n {\n \"key\": \"EDUCATION\",\n \"doc_count\": 1\n },\n {\n \"key\": \"WORLD NEWS\",\n \"doc_count\": 1\n }\n ],\n \"source\": \"London Times\",\n \"source_estimated_traffic\": 27201042,\n \"author_details\": {\n \"uid\": \"6637/David Leask\",\n \"name\": \"David Leask\",\n \"source_id\": 6637,\n \"contactinfo\": {}\n }\n },\n \"highlight\": {\n \"text\": [\n \"One of the most senior figures in Scottish higher education has apologised after sharing pandemic misinformation\"\n ],\n \"title\": [\n \"https://www.thetimes.co.uk/edition/scotland/coronavirus-in-scotland-academic-sorry-for-covid-sceptic-misinformation\"\n ]\n },\n \"most_recent\": {\n \"id\": 332692972,\n \"title\": \"https://www.thetimes.co.uk/edition/scotland/coronavirus-in-scotland-academic-sorry-for-covid-sceptic-misinformation-6v5jw9tfq\",\n \"publish_date\": \"2020-10-09T00:00:00+00:00\",\n \"url\": \"https://www.thetimes.co.uk/edition/scotland/coronavirus-in-scotland-academic-sorry-for-covid-sceptic-misinformation-6v5jw9tfq\"\n }\n },\n {\n \"_id\": \"329974806\",\n \"_score\": 8.511852,\n \"_source\": {\n \"author_uid\": \"27513/Ellen Maloney\",\n \"author\": \"Ellen Maloney\",\n \"beat\": [\n {\n \"key\": \"EDUCATION\",\n \"doc_count\": 1\n }\n ],\n \"source\": \"Daily Free Press\",\n \"author_details\": {\n \"contactinfo\": {}\n }\n },\n \"highlight\": {\n \"text\": [\n \"However, with these advancements come a rise in misinformation, and the line between objectivity and\",\n \"In an interview after the event, Nunziato said companies are hiring separate entities to identify misinformation\",\n \", but much of the challenge lies in defining what \\\"misinformation\\\" entails.\",\n \"They'll have to figure out on our own how to make determinations about what is truthful and what is misinformation\",\n \"\\\"I think they've been pretty effective in the scramble to identify, define and remove harmful misinformation\"\n ]\n },\n \"most_recent\": {\n \"id\": 329974806,\n \"title\": \"Professor examines how social media incites spread of fake news\",\n \"publish_date\": \"2020-10-05T04:04:52+00:00\",\n \"url\": \"https://dailyfreepress.com/2020/10/05/professor-examines-how-social-media-incites-spread-of-fake-news\"\n }\n },\n {\n \"_id\": \"330834354\",\n \"_score\": 5.859234,\n \"_source\": {\n \"author_uid\": \"46171/Heather Harrison\",\n \"author\": \"Heather Harrison\",\n \"beat\": [\n {\n \"key\": \"EDUCATION\",\n \"doc_count\": 1\n }\n ],\n \"source\": \"The Reflector online\",\n \"author_details\": {\n \"contactinfo\": {}\n }\n },\n \"highlight\": {\n \"text\": [\n \"Holli Seitz, assistant professor of communication at MSU and co-author of \\\"Correcting Misinformation\",\n \"people would see a headline they agree with and share the article without reading it, thus spreading misinformation\",\n \"\\\"That's what makes misinformation so incredibly dangerous and difficult; 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Jodi Mohrmann, Managing Editor of special projects Published: January 23, 2020, 3:53 pm Tags: Military, Clay County, Orange Park, Vietnam War Sign up for our Newsletters Latest News Veteran featured in new movie witnessed fellow pararescueman's selfless heroism in Vietnam 40 minutes ago City, state leaders react to the former Mayor Jake Godbold's death 2 hours ago Former Jacksonville Mayor Jake Godbold dies at 86 Scientists move Doomsday Clock closer to midnight 4 hours ago 'The Last Full Measure' details bloody battle and the fight for honor that followed the war Fighting For Honor Fighting For Honor (WJXT) ORANGE PARK, Fla. -- Starting tomorrow, the true story of a Vietnam War hero -- a man who gave his life to save others on the battlefield -- will be told in movie theaters nationwide. \\\"The Last Full Measure\\\" details how U.S. Air Force Pararescueman William \\\"Pits\\\" Pitsenbarger Jr. volunteered to be lowered into the thick jungle near Saigon during a fierce firefight in order to care for wounded soldiers and protect them from the enemy. Pits ultimately lost his life that day in 1966, but not before ensuring so many other men survived. It took 34 years and pushing from fellow pararescuemen (PJs) long after the war, for Pits' original award of the Air Force Cross to be upgraded to the Medal of Honor. One of the pararescuemen credited for helping to make it happen is retired Chief Master Sgt. David Milsten, who now lives in Orange Park. Milsten's fight to honor Pits for his selfless acts of heroism is also featured in \\\"The Last Full Measure.\\\" Editor's Note: For people wanting to learn about William Pitsenbarger Jr.'s story by watching the movie first, please note that there are details below about his acts of valor on the battlefield and how he ultimately received the Medal of Honor. Selfless acts of heroism Operation Abeline is considered one of the bloodiest battles of the Vietnam War. It was April 11, 1966, when soldiers with Charlie Company, 2nd Battalion, 16th Infantry Regiment, 1st Infantry Division were pinned down by the enemy. Pitsenbarger was 21 years old and had flown nearly 300 rescue missions during the war. He was \\\"off duty\\\" when he volunteered to ride on one of the helicopter flights to help those trapped infantry soldiers. Milsten was 26 years old at the time, in a separate helicopter from Pitsenbarger, unloading soldiers Milsten had just rescued, when Pitsenbarger volunteered once again -- this time to be lowered through the thick jungle and onto the ground to help the injured service members. \\\"The bullets are flying so thick,\\\" recalled Milsten. \\\"Imagine you've got 500 guys shooting at you at one time -- machine guns, automatic rifles -- and you've got 134 guys shooting out. The bullets are flying so thick, if you stuck your hand up, you'd lose your fingers just about.\\\" Milsten, in between pickups to rescue American service members with his helicopter, was able to photograph Pitsenbarger making history. \\\"I just stuck the camera down and shot these two pictures, and then I got back to work,\\\" he explained. \\\"It's probably one of the few times that a photograph has been taken of a Medal of Honor recipient as he was earning the Medal of Honor.\\\" Little did Milsten know at the time, but it would be Pitsenbarger's final mission. \\\"The first time we got hit from below, the rounds went right through the helicopter like butter and out the top,\\\" he recalled, later sharing photographs with News4Jax from his days in the military (press play above to see more). \\\"But we felt we were invincible.\\\" In \\\"The Last Full Measure,\\\" Milsten is portrayed as a character named \\\"Tulley,\\\" who is played by actor William Hurt, and Pitsenbarger is played by actor Jeremy Irvine. Pitsenbarger evacuated, defended and provided medical care for men he didn't know before making the ultimate sacrifice by waving off a rescue helicopter for himself so he could stay on the ground and care for the injured while returning fire on the enemy. \\\"He was dragging the wounded back from the perimeter of his fight cause the Army guys had formed a circle perimeter shooting outwards. A very tight circle,\\\" said Milsten. \\\"Bill (Pitsenbarger) was encouraging them to get up and fight. He was dragging the wounded back. He also gathered ammunition because mostly young guys were shooting full automatic and burning right through their ammo. He was grabbing clips from the dead and redistributing them to the Army guys on the ground. He treated as many as he could.\\\" Even though Pitsenbarger was shot three times himself, he kept helping until a fourth bullet took his life. According to the Department of Defense, Pitsenbarger fought until the very end -- found with a rifle in one hand and a medical kit in the other. Fighting for honor \\\"The Last Full Measure\\\" focuses on what Pitsenbarger did that day, the story of the mud soldiers years after Vietnam, and also the 34-year fight to award Pitsenbarger the highest military award for valor. Milsten was instrumental in gathering new evidence and testimony to present to Congress on Pitsenbarger's behalf in consideration for the Medal of Honor, and in the film, Sebastian Stan (known for his role as \\\"Bucky\\\" in the Avengers series) plays the role of a Pentagon official reviewing the case. WATCH ABOVE: Uncut interview with retired Chief Master Sgt. David Milsten \\\"We knew Bill deserved the Medal of Honor all of these years, but we didn't know how to go about getting new evidence. And it wasn't until the Air Force Sergeant Association did a study on Bill, on a series they did on Air Force heroes, and one of the studies was on Bill Pitsenbarger. That started to get the interest going,\\\" Milsten explained. In a ceremony on Dec. 8, 2000, at the Air Force Museum in Ohio, which was 34 years after Pitsenbarger was killed in action, the Medal of Honor was presented posthumously to the Vietnam War hero. His father, played by Christopher Plummer in the film, accepted the award on his son's behalf. Pitsenbarger's story is a small part of Milsten's own military career, which included rescuing hundreds of soldiers and earning 11 Air Medals, two Meritorious Service Medals, two Air Force Commendation Medals and more. \\\"The Last Full Measure\\\" To learn more about Robinson's lengthy road to get his movie made, read this story from Air Force Magazine. We contacted Robinson's staff, telling them the story we planned to do with Milsten in preparation for the release of the movie. They gave us permission to use the \\\"The Last Full Measure\\\" trailer to help us tell the story of a hero who selflessly gave his life on the battlefield and one local pararescueman who wanted to make sure the Congressional Medal of Honor was awarded to his fallen comrade. About the Authors: Author Photo emailfacebooktwitter Get Alerts Want the latest news and weather updates? 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\"offset\": 3541,\n \"cat\": \"organization::the Missile Defense Agency::\",\n \"slug\": \"the-missile-defense-agency\",\n \"sentiment\": {\n \"polarity\": 0,\n \"subjectivity\": 0\n }\n },\n {\n \"term\": \"MDA\",\n \"type\": \"organization\",\n \"offset\": 3569,\n \"cat\": \"organization::MDA::\",\n \"slug\": \"mda\",\n \"sentiment\": {\n \"polarity\": 0,\n \"subjectivity\": 0\n }\n },\n {\n \"term\": \"DoD\",\n \"type\": \"organization\",\n \"offset\": 3705,\n \"cat\": \"organization::DoD::\",\n \"slug\": \"dod\",\n \"sentiment\": {\n \"polarity\": 0.125,\n \"subjectivity\": 0.25625\n }\n }\n ],\n \"filename_pretty\": \"Streamlining and Revitalizing the US Hypersonic Weapon Investment Strategy\",\n \"id\": 139465338,\n \"text\": \"Emerging Security Environment | Multi-Domain Operations OTH, emerging security threats Streamlining and Revitalizing the US Hypersonic Weapon Investment Strategy By: Chris Alba Approximate Reading Time: 18 minutes Figure 1 (Featured Image Above):The Air-launched Rapid Response Weapon (ARRW) prototype on an external pylon of a B-52 during a flight test at Edwards AFB, CA. Photo: ARRW Program Office Executive Summary The current DoD hypersonic weapon investment strategy is untenable over the next three to four years which will widen the capability gap with Russia and China. The investment strategy needs to be streamlined based on acquisition, test, and fiscal realities to field a hypersonic weapon by 2023. In order to enable success, the DoD should begin to consolidate the hypersonic weapon efforts to one per service to help alleviate budgets, focus requirements, and reduce competition at test facilities. Russia on August 2, 2019, which had banned ground-launched cruise missiles with ranges between 500 and 5,500 kilometers. Many fear this will accelerate an arms race with Russia and China because hypersonic missile technology now makes intermediate range weapons more dangerous than ever. There are currently multiple offensive and defensive hypersonic weapon programs between the military Services that are competing against each other for budgetary requirements in a time when there is also a huge swell of funding required for other weapon systems (e.g. nuclear modernization, new submarine, new bomber). Just as challenging as the fight over budgets may be the competition between these programs for prioritized access to the limited number of aging ground test facilities and flight test ranges. The DoD should re-evaluate its current approach to acquiring and fielding hypersonic weapon systems including prioritizing an offensive capability for an immediate deterrent. It has been shown that offensive capabilities, more than defensive capabilities, help shape the strategic environment, provide credibility to political statements, and prevent conflict escalation. Additionally, the DoD needs to immediately prioritize the recapitalization of the hypersonic test infrastructure (facilities and ranges) to support current and future investments. The current acquisition approach is unsustainable, and therefore, the DoD should begin to consolidate the hypersonic weapon efforts to one per Service to help alleviate budgets, focus requirements, and reduce competition at test facilities. This paper will discuss the benefit and rationale for pursuing hypersonic weapons, review DoD and near-peer hypersonic weapon investments, and recommend a revised investment strategy based on acquisition, test, and fiscal realities. Picture2 Figure 2. Operational flight information for hypersonic maneuvering weapons. Source: A Threat to America's Global Vigilance, Reach, and Power High-Speed, Maneuvering Weapons: Unclassified Summary, 2016 It is important to understand the distinct attributes of hypersonic weapons that make them attractive to the military and how they are different from current weapon systems. A general definition for a vehicle flying at hypersonic speed is considered to be traveling five times the speed of sound (Mach 5) or faster. To put that in another context, hypersonic weapons can fly faster than about one mile to five miles per second. As a comparison, it would take approximately one hour for a standard subsonic cruise missile flying at Mach 0.85 to travel 1,000 km whereas a hypersonic weapon traveling at Mach 10 would take approximately six minutes to travel 1,000 km. Current hypersonic weapons under development differ from ballistic missiles in that they have unpredictable trajectories due to their ability to maneuver during most phases of flight. Additionally, ballistic missiles spend most of their flight time, typically 80% or more, outside of the atmosphere. Whereas, a modern hypersonic weapon spends between 80-100% of its flight time within the atmosphere (Figure 3). This has the unique military advantage of delaying and potentially avoiding detection from adversary ground-based radars or other line-of-sight sensors due to the Earth's curvature and the relative low flying altitude of a hypersonic weapon. Hence, hypersonic weapons can hold extremely large areas at risk and complicate defensive countermeasures. Fig 3 Figure 3. Terrestrial based detection of ballistic missiles vs. hypersonic glide vehicles. Source (left): Congressional Research Service report on Hypersonic Weapons: Background and Issues for Congress, September 19, 2017. Ballistic reentry vehicle versus hypersonic glide vehicle trajectories. Source (right): RAND Analysis RR2137 Hypersonic weapons are being aggressively pursued by the US and other nations because of their unique military utility to penetrate most air defense systems due to speed, altitude, range, and maneuverability. First and foremost, hypersonic weapons offer increased effectiveness compared to current standoff munitions in heavily defended environments. This translates to a smaller force structure because of the fact that missions can be executed with fewer weapons and carriage platforms. Hypersonic weapons provide a faster response to time sensitive targets from safe standoff ranges. This becomes a force multiplier because the Services can utilize 4^th generation assets in A2/AD environments without the need for a platform to penetrate a defended area. Lastly, offensive hypersonic weapons provide a credible deterrent without provocation. The US will be able to hold high value targets at risk beyond an adversary's reach or capability to defend. Hypersonic weapons are not to be thought of as \\\"silver bullets\\\", because like most high-end munitions, they will likely be in limited supply. There are other solutions to the A2/AD environment besides hypersonic weapons, but these weapons will provide the warfighter with responsive, time-sensitive, and penetrating strike options against advanced integrated air defense systems (IADS). For these reasons, both the US and near-peer countries, such as Russia and China, have been aggressively investing in hypersonic weapons and are in a race to make them operational. Fig 4 Figure 4. Russian air-launched Kinzhal hypersonic missile being carried on a MiG-31. Source: Air Force Magazine, The Great Hypersonic Race, August 2018 Russia and China are currently outpacing the US and leading the development of hypersonic weapons. Recently, Russia has touted their hypersonic weapon capabilities with the announcement of three missiles that have entered production and are ready for operational use. The first is the Avangard hypersonic glide vehicle, which is ground-launched using an intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) booster and can carry either a conventional or nuclear warhead. The speed and range of the Avangard are unknown but considering that it uses an ICBM booster puts it into the strategic class. The second is the Kinzhal hypersonic glide vehicle, which is air-launched using a single-stage solid rocket booster and can also carry either a conventional or nuclear warhead (Figure 4). Missile defense analysts have estimated a range of more than 2,000 km with a speed of more than Mach 10. The third is the Zircon hypersonic cruise missile, which is ship-launched using a two-stage solid rocket booster and scramjet engine propulsion system. This is an anti-ship cruise missile with an estimated range of up to 1,000 km with a speed of approximately Mach 8. The Chinese are not too far behind the Russians in development and are projected to deploy their hypersonic weapon capabilities by 2020-2021. The main system reported on is the DF-ZF hypersonic glide vehicle, which is ground-launched using a DF-17 as the booster. The range is unknown but based on the DF-17, it is expected to be a medium range missile (2,000-3,000 km) with a speed somewhere between Mach 5 and Mach 10. The DF-ZF is expected to enter operational service in 2020. With these fielded or emerging capabilities entering the battlespace, the DoD has recognized that Russia and China now have an asymmetric advantage. This renewed sense of urgency spurred the DoD to put an investment strategy together near the beginning of 2017 with the goal to rapidly prototype and field hypersonic weapons within five years. Fig 5 Figure 5. Artist concept of the Common Hypersonic Glide Body (C-HGB). The DoD has led the development of US hypersonic weapons since the early 2000s as part of the conventional prompt global strike program that has involved the Army, Navy, and Air Force. In recent years, the program has re-branded as the conventional prompt strike (CPS) program focusing on both hypersonic glide vehicles and hypersonic cruise missiles with intermediate ranges. The current goal of the CPS program is to develop a common-hypersonic glide body (C-HGB) that can be utilized by the Army, Navy, and Air Force with the idea that this will save research and development (R&D) costs in the future (Figure 5). Additionally, the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) has invested heavily in hypersonic technologies with the Falcon Hypersonic Technology Vehicle 2 (HTV-2) program in the late-2000s with the goal to develop a capability that can reach anywhere in the world in less than an hour. Since the mid-2010s, DARPA has expanded to four hypersonic technology programs each with unique goals. The DARPA Tactical Boost Glide (TBG) program aims to demonstrate an air-launched, tactical-range hypersonic boost glide system. The DARPA Hypersonic Air-breathing Weapon Concept (HAWC) aims to demonstrate an air-launched hypersonic cruise missile. The DARPA Operational Fires (OpFires) program aims to demonstrate a ground-launched hypersonic boost glide weapon. The DARPA Advanced Full Range Engine (AFRE) is developing a reusable aircraft that can reach hypersonic speeds. Note that a few of these DARPA demonstrations are linked to Service efforts, specifically the Air Force and Army, but are still considered technology demonstrators and not operational capabilities. As such, the Services recognized that if the US are to catch up to Russian and Chinese systems, they needed to accelerate hypersonic weapon development beyond technology demos. Fig 6 Figure 6. Artist concept of a hypersonic glide vehicle. Photo: ARRW Program Office Each Service has recently implemented rapid prototyping programs with the ultimate goal to field a operational capability within the 2022-2023 timeframe. The Air Force awarded contracts for two efforts in 2018 called the Air-launched Rapid Response Weapon (ARRW) and the Hypersonic Conventional Strike Weapon (HCSW). These are both air-launched hypersonic boost-glide weapons that vary in size and range but are described as having complementary capabilities. The HCSW program is expected to use the C-HGB from the CPS program, and the ARRW program is leveraging the glide body used by the DARPA TBG demonstration. The Navy plans to start the Intermediate Range Conventional Prompt Strike Weapon (IR CPS) in Fiscal Year (FY) 2020 which will also use the C-HGB with a submarine-launched booster system. The Army plans to start the Land-Based Hypersonic Missile (or Long-Range Hypersonic Weapon) in FY 2020 which will again use the C-HGB with a two-stage ground-launched booster system. The DoD is also investing in hypersonic weapon defensive capabilities through the Missile Defense Agency (MDA) which began soliciting white papers in 2018 to explore defensive options. All of this information is highlighting that, within the DoD, there are currently 8-9 hypersonic weapon programs executing concurrently with most having the same goal of fielding a residual operational capability in the next 2-4 years. This puts an enormous strain on government and contractor manpower, testing infrastructure, and budget priorities. The current strategy of using a joint program to develop a common piece of technology is noble in practice but could be disastrous in reality. The development of the C-HGB under the CPS program for use by three different Service-specific weapon systems has the potential for program delays and cost overruns experienced by the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter and F-111 programs. The issue boils down to Service-specific requirements that will be imposed on each program. For example, the storage, carriage, and handling requirements will be different depending upon whether these weapons need to integrate with a bomber, submarine, or ground-based launcher. The operational environments are also drastically different depending whether a weapon needs to function properly at -60\\ufffdF while carried under the wing of a B-52 at 40,000 ft or at 110\\ufffdF while sitting in a rocket launcher in the desert. The operational flight trajectories are also different between the Services necessitating tailored thermal protection system requirements. These differences all lead to extensive test programs to qualify components and systems for the Service-specific requirements. The problem is exacerbated when a re-design becomes necessary due to a component failing qualification. Therefore, the idea of a \\\"common\\\" glide body becomes impractical. History on the F-35 and F-111 programs have shown that a \\\"one size fits all\\\" does not work. It likely would save time and money over the course of a program to develop a Service-specific glide body at program initiation instead of inheriting the limitations of a previous design. Due to the number of programs, the demand for prioritized access and support from hypersonic test facilities and ranges is larger than the current supply and capacity can sustain. Dr. Griffin stated during testimony before the House Armed Services Committee in March 2019 that the DoD intends to conduct approximately 40 flight tests over the next few years. This would be an incredible inflection point for the hypersonic test community that has not experienced this level of activity likely since the initial development of ICBMs. Reviewing past hypersonic test flights from the X-43A (2004), X-51 (2010, 2011, 2012, 2013), HTV-2 (2010, 2011), Army Advanced Hypersonic Weapon (2011, 2014), and Navy Intermediate Range Conventional Prompt Strike Flight Experiment-1 (2017) shows that the US has been averaging less than one test flight per year over the past 15 years. Additionally, all of these test flights flew over the Pacific Ocean because it is extremely challenging to clear a flight corridor over the continental United States due to the long ranges of these systems. Many of these early systems were technology demonstrators meaning that recovery or assessing accuracy of hitting a ground target were not test objectives. As the DoD moves to operational prototypes, it will be a requirement to assess terminal and warhead effectiveness. Hence, these weapons can no longer terminate missions into the ocean but must impact a ground or surface target. zfig 7 Figure 7. The Army Advanced Hypersonic Weapon demonstrator was launched successfully on its first flight in 2011, but had a failed test flight in 2014. Currently, the primary Pacific test range facility is the Reagan Test Site in the Marshall Islands operated by Army Space and Missile Defense Command. Scheduling 40 flight tests at the Reagan Test Site over the next few years is guaranteed to be a tremendous hurdle to overcome considering all the necessary preparations required for telemetry, instrumentation, communication, and airborne assets. Traditionally, these tests have used dozens of surface vessels to aid with telemetry and data collection, which becomes expensive and time-consuming considering transit time to locations in the vast Pacific Ocean. However, the Air Force has recently purchased three RQ-4 Global Hawks to alleviate the dependence on surface vessels to conduct hypersonic flight testing. The use of Global Hawks may help to decrease the amount of time needed to prepare for a test, but there will still be competing interests over which program gets prioritized access to the range if the 40 tests holds true to prediction. An even bigger roadblock to hypersonic weapon development may be access to a limited number of ground test facilities. Ground testing hypersonic weapons prior to flight is pivotal to reduce risk and increase confidence for success, but aging infrastructure and limited number of facilities will cause program delays. Many of the existing large hypersonic wind tunnel facilities were built in the 1950s and 1960s to support ICBM development. In 2005, RAND conducted an inventory of US ground test facilities and identified approximately 15 hypersonic wind tunnels with varying Mach numbers, test section diameters, and run times. Since it takes one to two decades to build a new facility, this is likely still an accurate estimate of current inventory. The main omission from this RAND report were hypersonic arc jet facilities to test high temperature materials and structures in extreme aeroheating environments. Currently, there are two US hypersonic arc jet facilities located at NASA Ames Research Center and Arnold Engineering Development Center operated by the Air Force. Fig8 Figure 8. Mach 18 nozzle at Arnold Engineering Development Center Hypervelocity Wind Tunnel 9 in White Oak, Maryland. The target flight Mach number of the hypersonic weapons will also limit the number of available facilities. For example, if the weapon is designed to fly at Mach 10 or faster, the US only has approximately five facilities with that capability. There are even more facility discriminators such as run test times, model size, Reynolds number, and tunnel noise to consider. Therefore, it is straightforward to conclude that the US lacks an abundant amount of hypersonic ground test infrastructure to accommodate 8-9 concurrently executing programs. The other concern is the maintainability of these facilities. There are likely no off-the-shelf replacement parts from a structure that was built in 1960. A looming fear must be the amount of scheduled and unscheduled maintenance time required to keep these facilities operational. Any prolonged down time will have a multiplying and cascading effect on all weapon programs that are waiting to use those tunnels causing delays to not only one program but maybe five or six. The repercussion of schedule delays of this magnitude only strain and increase the budgets for these programs. Hypersonic weapons are still a very new technology that is being accelerated into the acquisition world, which has the consequence of program cost estimates bordering on educated guesses to rough orders of magnitude. There is no historical analogy or parametric trend to build upon for an accurate operational hypersonic weapon cost estimate. It is literally a brand-new industry. However, the DoD is beginning to understand how much these weapons will cost both in development and production after one year of execution with the initial Air Force rapid prototyping efforts through recent budget requests. Unfortunately, the response seems to be an increase in cost from initial estimates. A Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments report estimated program costs for a ground launched hypersonic weapon of $1.1 billion for development and $21 million each for procurement. For comparison, the Joint Air-to-Surface Standoff Missile Extended Range (JASSM-ER) and Tomahawk Land Attack Missile (TLAM) have estimated procurement costs of $1.38 million and $1.51 million each, respectively. The goal of purchasing thousands of hypersonic weapons seems unrealistic with this order of magnitude cost increase for one program. Therefore, it is prudent to assess the risk posture of this current acquisition approach along with the context that fielding hypersonic weapons are a top priority for the DoD. The current acquisition approach across the DoD of using rapid prototyping to field a hypersonic weapon capability as quickly as possible is innovative but may ultimately hinder itself due to the volume of efforts undertaken simultaneously. This aggressive investment strategy is attempting to reduce the risk of failure, such that if one program fails, then there are other efforts executing simultaneously that still have a chance to succeed. It is similar to the analogy if you throw enough darts at a dartboard, one of them is likely to hit the bullseye. Additionally, if a prototyping effort fails, then at least it was not a major defense acquisition program that the DoD is stuck with for decades. The Air Force's Service Acquisition Executive, Dr. Will Roper, has aggressively pushed to field hypersonic weapons within five years and has promoted the slogan of \\\"failing fast and failing forward\\\". Dr. Roper would like the Air Force rapid prototyping efforts, ARRW and HCSW, to test extensively and allow for intelligent failure in order to learn something and make future improvements. Therefore, the issue is not with allowing for failure, it is not being able to test aggressively and extensively. The current test environment has all of these programs competing against each other for resources and access. Furthermore, a senior leader within the DoD will have to make a determination about which program has priority to use those test facilities or even bump other programs from the schedule. The emphasis is on a DoD senior leader because all three Services, DARPA, and MDA are competing for these resources. Lastly, it is unclear if the DoD has an appetite to pay for all of these efforts over the next five years, especially if the estimated average development cost for one program is over a billion dollars. Again, any program delay or missed test event equates to an increase in cost. These programs will not get cheaper. Therefore, if the ultimate goal is to field a hypersonic weapon capability by 2022-2023, then the current investment strategy is high risk to meet that date unless it becomes streamlined. In order to enable success, the DoD should begin to consolidate the hypersonic weapon efforts to one per Service which helps to alleviate budgets, focus requirements, and reduce competition at test facilities. First, while the DARPA demonstration efforts were tremendous at advancing hypersonic technologies, they unfortunately do not heavily focus on any Service-specific requirements. If the Services are planning to use some of these technologies, they will still have to requalify (i.e. test) components to their specific environments. In the spirit of rapid prototyping, it is more practical to focus on the Service-specific requirements than continue with the associated DARPA efforts. The foundational vision for DARPA is to prevent technological surprise, and one could argue that we are beyond that point for hypersonic weapons. Second, Services with multiple programs, like the Air Force, should down-select to one program. Again, the goal is to field as early as possible because the US is already behind Chinese and Russian capabilities. It is not practical to have programs within a Service competing for budgets when one program could likely become fully funded without having to spread the costs. Third, this consolidation of programs would ease the burden on the limited hypersonic test infrastructure. With the number of tests planned over the next few years, it is recommended to take a portion of this money freed up from program consolidation and to invest immediately into modernizing the hypersonic test infrastructure. Plus, it is time to modernize hypersonic test facilities and ranges to ensure performance is measured accurately and verified in the real world. Test modernization will come at a price though, because it will cause temporary shutdowns of facilities. However, this \\\"strategic pause\\\" in the near-term is necessary to ensure future success and reliability. Last, while it is not recommended to completely ignore a defensive capability, the DoD should prioritize fielding an offensive hypersonic weapon prior to investing large sums of money into the MDA. The current MDA approach of requesting white papers and initial design concepts is appropriate. There is a lot of data to be collected and lessons learned that the MDA can leverage from the upcoming tests. The current hypersonic weapon investment strategy is untenable over the next three to four years and will delay the fielding of these weapons widening the capability gap with Russia and China. If the plan is to potentially purchase thousands of hypersonic weapons, then the DoD needs to immediately consolidate the number of existing programs to one per Service considering the estimated per unit price tag of $21 billion. This consolidation of programs will alleviate the competition for limited resources and test facility access. Instead of pitting programs against each other to compete for budgets, the Services could likely fully fund each program and prevent any schedule delays due to funding. The savings recouped from consolidation should be invested immediately into the modernization of hypersonic test infrastructure. Due to the limited number of facilities and ranges, the government should strive to maximize availability and minimize maintenance down time. The goal is to have enough time to complete all required testing and prevent the facilities and ranges from getting over crowded. It is recommended that the DoD streamline its current hypersonic weapon investment approach to increase the chances of successfully fielding a weapon by 2022-2023. This will demonstrate that the US has parity or even surpassed Chinese and Russian capabilities and provide an immediate deterrent. Major Christopher Alba is currently a student in the Multi-Domain Operational Strategist concentration at Air Command and Staff College. He is an Acquisitions Officer with over twelve years of experience in program and technical management of advanced systems research and development for high-speed weapons and re-entry vehicles. He holds an Aerospace Engineering PhD from the Air Force Institute of Technology with a concentration in hypersonic aerothermodynamics. His last position was as the Deputy Program Manager for the AGM-183A Air-launched Rapid Response Weapon (ARRW) rapid prototyping program at Eglin AFB, FL. The views expressed are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or positions of the Department of the Air Force or the U.S. Government. 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Email check failed, please try again Sorry, your blog cannot share posts by email. \"\n },\n \"sort\": [\n 1579789348557\n ]\n },\n {\n \"_index\": \"doc_2020-01_7166c64f-418b-4424-b53c-b8fb7855a352\",\n \"_type\": \"_doc\",\n \"_id\": \"139323557\",\n \"_score\": null,\n \"_source\": {\n \"tags\": [\n \"news\",\n \"us-state-us\",\n \"news-us\",\n \"news-glob\"\n ],\n \"geo_primary\": \"38.907192,-77.036871\",\n \"geo_secondary\": [\n \"38.907192,-77.036871\"\n ],\n \"wSpacemeta\": {\n \"alexa_rank\": 386406,\n \"email_pattern\": \"{f}{last}@pogo.org\"\n },\n \"created\": 1579772556114,\n \"url\": \"http://pogo.org/investigation/2019/03/f-35-far-from-ready-to-face-current-or-future-threats\",\n \"owner\": \"7166c64f-418b-4424-b53c-b8fb7855a352\",\n \"workspace\": 7098,\n \"source\": \"Project on Government Oversight\",\n \"authors\": [\n \"Dan Grazier\"\n ],\n \"images:\": [\n 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}\n }\n ],\n \"filename_pretty\": \"F-35 Far from Ready to Face Current or Future Threats, Testing Data Shows\",\n \"id\": 139323557,\n \"text\": \"The F-35 program serves as the ideal case study to understand the Military-Industrial-Congressional Complex. The program encapsulates all the problems with the business of purchasing weapons in the United States. More F-35 Far from Ready to Face Current or Future Threats, Testing Data Shows Navy's F-35 Version Not Ready for Combat By Dan Grazier | Filed under investigation | March 19, 2019 61st Aircraft Maintenance Unit Airmen tape a cover over the canopy of an F-35 Lightning II on January 26, 2015. (Photo: U.S. Air Force / Staff Sgt. Timothy Boyer) * The Navy's version of the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter, recently declared ready for combat, has netted unacceptably low \\\"fully mission capable\\\" rates--meaning it's in fact almost never fully ready for combat--according to a document obtained by the Center for Defense Information at the Project On Government Oversight (POGO). The Pentagon's operational testing office reports that as of 2018, the F-35 program still has not fixed cyber vulnerabilities found in past years. The fact that the Navy is pushing ahead with the aircraft in spite of evidence that it is not ready for combat and could therefore put at risk missions, as well as the troops who depend on it to get to the fight, comes at the same time as the Pentagon's annual operational testing report for fiscal year 2018 shows that the entire F-35 program, the most expensive weapon system in history, is not ready to face current or future threats. Sold in 2001 as a cheap multi-role fighter at a promised $38 million per plane, the troubled F-35, now at an average $158.4 million per copy, continues to dramatically underperform in crucial areas including availability and reliability, cyber-vulnerability testing, and life-expectancy testing. For as much as the 2018 report from the Director of Operational Test and Evaluation (DOT&E) reveals about the F-35's lack of progress in nearly every essential area, it is markedly less transparent than previous reports. It provides no updates on the crippling deficiencies highlighted in previous years, reports far fewer findings critical of the program than earlier reports, and contains almost no quantitative results on the F-35's most urgent problems. The report omits any mention of the program's fully mission capable rate--let alone the Navy version's--which is the most significant measure of whether a fighter force is ready to show up for combat. Despite an ongoing stream of optimistic press releases from the Pentagon, the information that is provided by DOT&E shows that the F-35 is still in trouble in these vital areas: * Little or no improvement in the key availability, reliability, and flying-hour metrics over the last several years means too few F-35s will likely be ready for combat when they are most needed, now or for the foreseeable future. * During durability testing, the Marine and Navy F-35s have suffered so many cracks and received so many repairs and modifications that the test planes can't complete their 8,000-hour life-expectancy tests. The Marine version's airframe life could be so short that today's F-35Bs might end up in the boneyard as early as 2026, 44 years before the program's planned 2070 sunset. * Despite years of patches and upgrades, the F-35's most combat-crucial computer systems continue to malfunction, including the Autonomic Logistics Information System (ALIS) maintenance and parts ordering network; and the data links that display, combine, and exchange target and threat information among fighters and intelligence sources. * The program has not provided the resources necessary to build, test, and validate the onboard mission-data files that control mission accomplishment and survival. * As in previous years, cybersecurity testing shows that many previously confirmed F-35 vulnerabilities have not been fixed, meaning that enemy hackers could potentially shut down the ALIS network, steal secret data from the network and onboard computers, and perhaps prevent the F-35 from flying or from accomplishing its missions. * The all-important and much-delayed F-35 Initial Operational Test and Evaluation report--assessing whether the plane is combat-suitable and ready for full-scale production--may well not only be late (perhaps well into 2020), but may also be based on testing that is considerably less combat-realistic than planned. This is both because test personnel are forced to make do with incompletely developed, deficiency-laden planes, and the F-35 program has for years failed to fund adequate test-range hardware and realistic multi-aircraft, multi-threat simulation facilities. But the report presents precious little hard data on maintainability; availability and flying hours; weapons-testing results; ALIS-caused maintenance problems; pilot difficulties with sensors and display; and shortfalls in testing resources and realism. By leaving out any information on the program's fully mission capable rates, which previous years' reports included, DOT&E keeps the public from knowing the percentage of time these aircraft are ready to perform all of their intended missions. It is unclear why this is absent from the report, but it raises questions as to whether performance has actually gotten worse, and whether the Pentagon is seeking to hide that fact. DOT&E declined to comment on any aspect of the report. Also not mentioned are the results of several important test activities, including summer 2018's close air support fly-off tests between the F-35 and the A-10--which, as POGO reported, were conducted under unrealistic conditions and appeared designed to favor the F-35. According to the report, DOT&E is withholding most new testing details and results by promising to include them in the final Initial Operational Test and Evaluation report; that report is unlikely to be published until the beginning of next year, at the earliest. A U.S. Air Force weapons load crew loads a live AIM-120 advanced medium-range air-to-air missile into an F-35A January 31, 2017, at Eglin Air Force Base, Florida. The troubled $1.5 trillion F-35 program is not ready to begin the critical combat-testing phase, the Pentagon's testing director said in a previously undisclosed August memo obtained by the Center for Defense Information at the Project On Government Oversight (POGO). Meanwhile, the F-35 Joint Program Office (JPO) is sticking to its current schedule, which would have the program starting full-rate production for the entire fleet by the end of this year, despite hundreds of critical, unresolved design flaws. Of the DOT&E report, the Joint Program Office said: \\\"All of the issues mentioned are well known to the JPO, the U.S. Services, our international partners and allies, and our industry team and are being aggressively addressed. The F-35 Enterprise achieved numerous critical milestones during 2018 which have set a solid foundation for the program to complete Initial Operational Test and Evaluation and move into full rate production as planned in late 2019.\\\" The services did not respond to POGO's request for comment on the DOT&E report. POGO conducted an in-depth analysis of the report. The results, together with POGO's reporting, reveal that the F-35 program is more deeply troubled than ever, and should be of great concern to the Pentagon, Congress, and the taxpayers, who are footing the steadily rising bill. Fighter Jets that Can't Get to the Fight The most important measure of an aircraft's readiness for combat is the \\\"fully mission capable\\\" rate. This is the percentage of aircraft on hand that have fully functional, non-degraded vehicle systems (flight controls and engine), electronic mission systems (radar, electronic warfare systems, computers, etc.), and weapons employment capabilities--a particularly important measure for the F-35. The 2017 DOT&E report showed a 26 percent fully mission capable rate across the entire F-35 fleet. Because the 2018 report makes no mention of this rate, it is impossible to know what the 2018 rate was. Both the F-35B and the F-35C have miserably low Fully Mission Capable rates, according to readiness data obtained by POGO. (Chart created by CJ Ostrosky for POGO using U.S. Navy data) The Navy document POGO obtained shows that the problem persists: the Marines' F-35B and the Navy's F-35C variants posted even worse figures in 2018 than in the previous year. The F-35B's fully mission capable rate fell from 23 percent in October 2017 to 12.9 percent in June 2018, while the F-35C plummeted from 12 percent in October 2016 to 0 percent in December 2017, then remained in the single digits through 2018. In response to POGO's questions about the Navy's fully mission capable rates, the Joint Program Office highlighted the entire F-35 fleet's higher \\\"mission capable\\\" rate, a less rigorous--and less useful--measure showing how often the aircraft can perform at least one of its assigned tasks. The office also identified the lack of spare parts as the biggest factor impacting availability. Too few F-35s will likely be ready for combat when they are most needed, now or for the foreseeable future. To tell how many planes can actually get to the fight requires a second measure, the sortie generation rate: that is, how many flights per day each fighter in the fleet completes. The 2018 DOT&E report makes no mention of it. The fleet-wide sortie rates for the three F-35 variants POGO calculated from the 2017 report were extremely low, averaging between 0.3 and 0.4 sorties per day. During Operation Desert Storm, frontline combat aircraft including the F-15 and F-16 flew an average of at least one sortie per day, and the A-10 fleet averaged at least 1.4 sorties per day. Even under the pressure of recent Middle East combat deployment, the F-35's rates have not improved. According to statements from the squadron commander, 6 F-35Bs onboard the USS Essex flew over 100 sorties in 50-plus days in the Middle East. In other words, each F-35B flew a third of a sortie per day--meaning they flew an average of once every three days--in sustained combat. F-35 Combat Performance Shrouded in Mystery The 2018 report leaves out most details on the F-35's ongoing testing. The F-35 Joint Program Office ended the Systems Design and Development phase in April 2018 in a seemingly arbitrary move, despite a large backlog of design deficiencies. The program has now transitioned from developmental testing, where engineers test to see if individual system functions meet contractual specifications, to operational testing, where military combat users test whether the overall plane is combat effective and suitable, rather than just in line with contract or engineering design specifications, which sometimes do not match up with combat needs. Close Air Support Fly-off Farce The F-35 Joint Strike Fighter is finally going up against the battle-proven A-10 close air support attack plane for the long-promised close air support fly-off. But the tests, as designed, are unlikely to reveal anything of real value about the F-35's ability to support ground troops in realistic combat situations--which the F-35, as the presumptive replacement for the A-10, must be able to demonstrate. The Pentagon's lack of information and transparency in reporting the fly-off tests is particularly disturbing, especially in light of POGO's investigation of mismanagement, bias, and conflict of interest in the conduct of these tests. The tests' outcome and the future of the A-10 should be of great concern to every soldier and Marine who may find themselves in need of air firepower. F-35 Still Can't Shoot Straight The report does provide some detail on the developmental testing for the 25 mm gun, though nearly all of the details are actually old results already reported in previous years. The gun is of major significance for close air support because accurate strafing is almost always a better choice than bombs or missiles when troops are endangered by close-in enemies or when enemy targets are close to civilians. The report includes a combination of this and previous years' testing results for each of the three F-35 models' guns, but the most significant results involve the F-35A's. Like most aspects of the F-35 program, because there are three service-specific aircraft, there are three different guns: an internally mounted cannon for the Air Force's F-35A, and a belly-mounted gun pod carrying 220 rounds for the Marine Corps' F-35B and the Navy's F-35C, though because of differences in the shape of each variant, the gun pods are not interchangeable. DOT&E reports that, based on a small sample of developmental flight tests, the Marine Corps' and the Navy's model gun pods have met their engineering accuracy specifications. In contrast, the Air Force's F-35A's internally mounted gun continues to demonstrate poor accuracy during testing, as in years past. The gun shoots long and to the right of targets when pilots aim using cues projected into their helmets. Adjustments to the helmet's targeting software should be able to correct the cues to match with bullet impacts, but repeated attempts over a period of at least two years have failed. Investigators first found misalignments in the gun mounts in 2017; according to the 2018 report, \\\"the true alignment of each F-35A gun is not known.\\\" It is unlikely that many ground troops will be willing to trust the F-35--as they do the A-10--to fire safely at enemy targets close to their positions. Due in no small part to the inadequacy of the testing program, still other questions remain about the effectiveness of the gun's ammunition against real targets encountered in combat. The developmental testing phase tested three ammunition types: the PGU-23, a training and practice round; the PGU-47 armor-piercing high explosive incendiary round; and the PGU-48 frangible armor-piercing round. The incendiary round is mainly for use against light armor, as it is designed to penetrate thin armor plate before detonating with a delay inside the target. The last is a nontraditional, non-explosive fragmenting round meant to punch a hole through lightly armored targets and set off secondary detonations when it penetrates into fuel or stored ammunition. Live fire effectiveness testing of the ammunition to date has been against small numbers of obsolete vehicles, obsolete planes, and plywood silhouette dummies--none of which resemble the most common threats troops encounter. Flight testing of the gun and its ammunition has been even more limited. According to the report, there were just 19 air-to-ground strafing test missions for the F-35A \\\"through July 2018,\\\" in which aircraft fired approximately 3,400 rounds of the three ammunition types, approximately 70 passes of 50 rounds apiece, since the F-35A carries only 182 rounds. (For comparison, the A-10's 30 mm gun can carry 1,350 rounds.) In order to gather useful data on ammunition effectiveness, gun flight tests need to cover at least three approach angles and three opening ranges. The report does not shed light on the specifics of the test program, but simple arithmetic suggests that if the evaluators tested each round in all the appropriate scenarios, then they only have one or two sets of data for each ammunition type, far from the amount of data needed to properly determine performance. Nothing in the report indicates that there will be much more gun-effectiveness testing, or that there will be any of a sort that would be sufficient to compare effectiveness of the A-10's 30 mm gun with the F-35A's 25 mm gun, with realistic targets and numbers of passes. The F-35 is supposed to meet or exceed the combat performance of the aircraft it is slated to replace. The F-35A is intended to eventually replace the A-10 in the close air support role. Until engineers can make the F-35A's gun shoot straight, and demonstrate this conclusively in testing, it is unlikely that many ground troops will be willing to trust the F-35 as they do the A-10 to fire safely at enemy targets close to their positions. And likely fewer still would be willing to entrust their lives to the F-35's 182 25 mm rounds instead of the 1,350 30 mm rounds the A-10 can carry. Aircraft Durability Showing Cracks The services had expected the F-35 to fly for half a century, but it is possible that many of the legacy aircraft it is meant to replace may still be in service by the time the first F-35s have been scrapped. All F-35s are supposed to have a service life of 8,000 hours, a standard military aircraft lifespan. To ensure the design will last, each model is required to undergo three lifetimes' worth (24,000 hours) of structural load testing to determine if they can handle the representative stress placed on them during takeoffs, landings, and in flight. In the course of this life testing over the years, engineers have found numerous instances of cracks and wear in the test airframes' structural components and joints. For example, an attachment joint between the vertical tail and the airframe on an F-35A failed during testing in October 2010. This forced a redesign of the joint that was later incorporated into the manufacturing process. That test aircraft, after this repair and others, went on to complete the full three lifetime tests, and, according to the 2018 report, is currently undergoing a complete evaluation to determine what other fixes are needed and whether F-35As do indeed have an 8,000-hour life. Marines hook up support equipment to an F-35B before a weapons functional test on December 10, 2015. (Photo: U.S. Marines / Sgt. Eric Keenan) The Marines' F-35B structural test airframe proved unable to complete the three lifetimes of testing. According to the 2018 report, Joint Program Office officials suspended tests on that airframe in 2017 after its second lifetime when they found the necessary patches and modifications were so extensive that the airframe was \\\"no longer representative of the wing-carry-through structure\\\" of the aircraft coming off the assembly line. Shockingly, there are no plans to procure a replacement airframe to test the F-35B to the full three lifetimes required by the contract. Using the data gathered during the tests the aircraft did complete, evaluators determined that the service life of the F-35B could be as low as 2,100 flight hours. That means the Marine Corps could potentially have to start retiring the first of its F-35s in seven years, and may never acquire any F-35Bs with a verified 8,000-hour service life. Today's F-35Bs might end up in the boneyard as early as 2026--44 years before the program's planned 2070 sunset. Similarly, Joint Program Office officials called off durability testing on the Navy's F-35C test airframe in the middle of the third lifetime iteration following the discovery of damage to several structural components that were deemed too costly to repair. As with the F-35B, the program office appears to have no plans to procure a replacement test airframe or to complete the required third lifetime of tests. In order to match the service life of the later models, already-built F-35s will require costly retrofits to incorporate design modifications to fix problems discovered during even the incomplete tests. Logistics and Maintenance System Undermines Logistics and Maintenance The troubled Autonomic Logistics Information System (ALIS)--the massive, complex network owned and operated by Lockheed Martin, the F-35's prime contractor--continues to vex the entire program. The network is supposed to integrate maintenance diagnosis and scheduling and supply chain management with combat-mission planning and threat analysis. Despite years' worth of evidence--including from the government's own Government Accountability Office--that the system is not succeeding, Lockheed Martin claims on its websitethat ALIS's capabilities will \\\"reduce operating costs and increase aircraft availability.\\\" In the manner of many of the Pentagon's purportedly labor-saving efforts, ALIS has actually increased the workload of hard-pressed maintainers, due to persistent problems including false positive maintenance diagnoses, cumbersome data entry procedures, and slow uploads and downloads of data between the aircraft and ALIS. In fact, ALIS has so many flaws and has experienced so many failures that Lockheed Martin did not even use its version of the system on its manufacturing floor until March 2018. SECAF Heather Wilson hits ALIS, F-35 maintenance system, with wicked crack: \\\"I can guarantee that no Air Force maintainer will ever name their daughter Alice.\\\" #AWS19 -- Steve Trimble (@TheDEWLine) February 28, 2019 The program fielded ALIS version 2.0.2.4 in early 2018. Units in the field reported numerous significant problems with it. Ironically, the system's Deployment Planning Tool did not alleviate the substantial difficulties of deploying F-35 units. Users also complained about the Life-Limited Parts Management tool, saying it consumed a great deal of time and required them to manually work around the system to complete their tasks--exactly the opposite of how the system is supposed to work. In the meantime, yet another patched ALIS version, 3.0.1, has been in testing since late 2017 and has already required two revisions, the latest of which, 3.0.1.2, was introduced for use at the beginning of Initial Operational Test and Evaluation but will be upgraded again in six months. \\\"Manual workarounds\\\"--a phrase that comes up in the latest DOT&E report--are a common theme in the ALIS saga. The majority of what ALIS is supposed to be able to do only works with \\\"a high level of manual effort\\\" by maintenance crews and administrative staff. For example, problems with the Deployment Planning Tool and transferring data generated on the aircraft into the ALIS network still have not been corrected. To complete the necessary tasks, contractor specialists must take over from the service members, causing \\\"frequent work stoppages.\\\" Every time an F-35 requires a maintenance action it must be logged in the system. According to the testing report, \\\"documenting maintenance tasks in ALIS frequently takes more time than completing the maintenance action.\\\" Senior Airman Brycen Stone, 4th Aircraft Maintenance Unit crew chief, maintains an F35A Lightning II fighter jet on February 6, 2019. (Photo: U.S. Air Force / R. Nial Bradshaw) When a component like an ejection seat has a problem, crews must record it in ALIS's Electronic Equipment Logbook, which is then supposed to track parts through the supply chain. As for most such actions, ALIS is supposed to automate this process. But so far, maintenance crews have found they must instead manually enter \\\"missing or incorrect\\\" data into the network. The lack of standardization among vendors for the F-35's various subsystems is one of the main drivers of problems with the Electronic Equipment Logbook feature. The outsourcing of subcontracts to about 1,500 vendors all over the country has helped buy the program widespread Congressional support, but compounds ALIS data errors, slows parts deliveries, and increases costs to the program. With all of these problems, and the fact that many have persisted for years, \\\"end users\\\" (read: hard-working uniformed maintenance crews) have good reason to question the functionality of ALIS. According to the report, some crews keep two sets of books, maintaining separate databases on laptops to track the usage of parts as a check against the data ALIS generates, which frequently proves incorrect. Many of these problems will likely continue indefinitely as the software continues to receive patches on top of patches. ALIS has gone through at least 27 versions. This year's testing report alone includes discussion of 5. Each is meant to add functionality and correct deficiencies in earlier iterations. DOT&E reports some progress, including a patch that helped filter the false alarms that have afflicted the system. Yet ALIS continues to cause more problems than it solves. The program is planning to release four major ALIS upgrades over the next three years. The challenge inherent in this is that each version will almost certainly introduce new problems. \\\"According to some estimates, between ten and fifteen percent of security patches actually introduce new vulnerabilities,\\\" software developer Chad Perrin wrote on TechRepublic in 2010. The program plans to roll out more frequent, smaller releases to deal with this. ALIS has so many flaws and has experienced so many failures that its manufacturer, Lockheed Martin, did not even use its version on its own manufacturing floor until March 2018. ALIS designers have their work cut out for them solving new problems and those that have endured since early in the development process. For example, nearly six years ago, ALIS's Squadron Health Management application incorrectly reported an aircraft as non-mission-capable, while at the same time another application, the Customer Maintenance Management System, reported the aircraft as ready to fly. First identified in ALIS version 1.0.3A3 in December 2012, this problem has yet to be corrected. Problems with ALIS are so bad that the Air Force recently announced that, with help from Lockheed, it is now working to develop a new program, called \\\"Mad Hatter,\\\" which would perform all of ALIS's intended functions by incorporating Wi-Fi and touchscreens on the flight line. To be clear, taxpayers funded Lockheed Martin to create ALIS, and Lockheed made a complete mess of it. Now, taxpayers will pay Lockheed Martin to build the Mad Hatter replacement, while also footing the bill for patch after patch on the original system. Data Files Required to Test Threat Evasion Not Finished Program officials have not built or funded the programming capacity to build all the data files needed to power the F-35's complex array of computers and sensors, known collectively as the aircraft's mission systems. The full range of functionality of the F-35, particularly its use of stealth, depends on having up-to-date information about enemy ground and air radar signals, missiles, and jammers, as well as similar information about friendly units. This data is gathered into massive files called Mission Data Loads (MDLs), which the aircraft's sensors use to identify threats, disregard friendly signals, and calculate safe flight paths. Programmers must tailor MDLs for each potential combat theater, because every country employs its own array of radar and weapon systems. These combinations change frequently, so MDLs must be continuously updated, and, accordingly, their accuracy reverified. Without up-to-date and fully verified MDLs, the F-35's radar, electronic warfare systems, and other onboard sensors cannot properly locate, track, evade, or target enemy systems. Programmers at the United States Reprogramming Laboratory at Florida's Eglin Air Force Base create and update the MDLs. Because the lab's hardware and software are so cumbersome, it took 12 to 15 months to build and test the MDLs intended for the Initial Operational Test and Evaluation stage--and these have yet to be verified as accurate. According to the report, the lab still \\\"lacks adequate equipment to be able to test and optimize MDLs under conditions stressing enough to ensure adequate performance against current and future threats in combat.\\\" Cpl. Brandon Nordlund performs a weapons functional test on an F-35B Lightning II aircraft on December 10, 2015. (Photo: U.S. Marines / Sgt. Eric Keenan) The Joint Program Office has mismanaged the process of creating and testing MDLs. The lab doesn't have enough high-fidelity signal emulators to reproduce the kind and quantity of radar signals that a realistically dense enemy defense system would emit. Those emulators are needed to stimulate the F-35's electronic warfare sensors to test whether they respond properly. The lab is funded to install eight high-fidelity signal emulator channels in each of its two test lines by the end of 2019. The program office's own analysis shows 16 to 20 high-fidelity channels are recommended in each of the two test lines to adequately replicate near-peer threat signal environments for MDL testing--but the office has not provided funding to purchase them. Inadequate signal emulators will inevitably lead to inadequate test MDLs--and, far more seriously, will lead to inadequate MDLs for use in real combat, which could put missions and troops at risk. While the program has already fallen behind in the production of these critical files, the situation will only get worse as it presses forward with the current so-called follow-on modernization phase, variously known as Block 4 or Continuous Capability Development and Delivery (abbreviated as C2D2). This nomenclature is effectively a smokescreen for evading the onerous milestones, capability definitions, and schedule commitments of a normal development phase for any major weapons program. The Continuous Capability \\\"innovation\\\" allows the Joint Program Office to roll out small increments of new and ill-defined capabilities every six months or so, thereby escaping responsibility for not having met the standard schedule and capability thresholds for the development phase. A substantial portion of the Continuous Capability rollouts will actually be fixes for the mountain of unresolved deficiencies that remained when the Joint Program Office arbitrarily called off the formal development phase in 2018. Taxpayers have already paid for the development phase. They will now be billed again to fix the many lingering problems and complete what the program left undone. The Continuous Capability rollouts of new hardware and software every six months will necessitate continuous new MDL updates and, worse, \\\"continuous\\\" operational testing--a veritable nightmare for the programmers at the lab, and even more of a nightmare for the operational testers. With 6 current F-35 configurations, plus at least 4 new Block 4 iterations planned, and 12 geographic regions requiring region-specific MDLs, the Reprogramming Laboratory will have to create, update, distribute, and manage at least 120 MDLs. Creating new MDLs for that testing is estimated to take eight months, and, according to DOT&E, even minor updates take \\\"several months.\\\" The program office has not identified the manpower or hardware required for the task, and has not contracted for it. Cybersecurity Concerns Continue Pentagon officials have touted the F-35's supposed advantages as a \\\"computer that happens to fly.\\\" The aircraft derives almost all of those advantages from the intricate internal and external network of hardware and software linking it to other aircraft, intelligence sources, ground stations, satellites, software labs, maintenance computers, and more. Testing for cyber vulnerabilities is therefore crucial to any evaluation of the program. The Government Accountability Office released a report in October 2018 showing that nearly every software-enabled weapon system tested between 2012 and 2017 can be hacked, often by simple means like looking up default passwords online for commercially available software. Numerous parts of the F-35 program use this kind of software; ALIS runs on Windows, for example. Cybersecurity testing has long been part of F-35 program evaluation. The testing office is mum on the specific issues found so far, but reports that as of 2018 \\\"some of the vulnerabilities identified during earlier testing periods still had not been remedied.\\\" DOT&E calls for more cyber testing of the aircraft and of the program's supply chain to \\\"ensure the integrity of hardware components for initial production of air vehicles and ALIS components, plus resupply of replacement parts.\\\" Lance Cpl. Zachary McCarty, an avionics technician, reconnects hardware in an F-35B Lightning II Joint Strike Fighter after maintenance, on May 24, 2015. (Photo: U.S. Marines / Pfc. Remington Hall) So significant are DOT&E's concerns about the integrity of ALIS that the report reiterates an earlier warning that program officials should find a way to operate the F-35 entirely without it, in case the network is compromised. F-35 program office officials claim that an F-35 can fly for at least 30 days without connecting to ALIS to exchange data and log maintenance actions. DOT&E wants the program to do better than that. \\\"In light of current cybersecurity threats and vulnerabilities, along with peer and near-peer threats to bases and communications, the F-35 program and Services should conduct testing of aircraft operations without access to ALIS for extended periods of time.\\\" However, DOT&E has not planned or mandated a testing event to confirm whether or not the F-35 can operate without ALIS for 30 days or more. All Americans should be concerned that we are actually paying extra for weapons that provide the enemy an opportunity to disrupt them. The fully integrated nature of all F-35 systems makes cybersecurity more essential than for any other aircraft. Legacy aircraft already in service are equipped with software-enabled subsystems, and while a hacker could penetrate the GPS system in a legacy system, because the subsystems are not fully integrated, a hacker could not also access the communications system, for example. The F-35 is inherently far more vulnerable. Lockheed Martin brags on its website about the aircraft's \\\"sensor fusion\\\" that connects all of the onboard subsystems, such as the Active Electronically Scanned Array radar; the Distributed Aperture System; and the Communications, Navigation, and Identification Avionics system. That means enemy cyber-warriors need only compromise the software of one of these to corrupt the entire system. According to the 2018 Government Accountability Office report: \\\"A successful attack on one of the systems the weapon depends on can potentially limit the weapon's effectiveness, prevent it from achieving its mission, or even cause physical damage and loss of life.\\\" A 2007 incident shows what this could look like. A flight of F-22 fighters crossing the Pacific lost all of their systems when they passed over the International Date Line. In that case, a software glitch in the main processor wreaked havoc on all of the systems connected to it, including navigation, communications, and fuel indicators, forcing the flight to divert back to Hawaii. That was just the result of a coding error. It is not difficult to imagine what a hacker with malign intent could accomplish. F-35 Can't Be Tested Against the Most Serious Threats The transition from developmental to operational testing is a milestone in any weapons program. For the F-35, it came nearly a decade late. Now, even with the extra time, the program has started the process with no apparent plan to resolve major, potentially life-threatening design flaws, and without several of the tools necessary to properly evaluate the aircraft's combat effectiveness or suitability in the hands of troops serving on the front lines. The program office appears to be planning to complete this phase of testing without making a proper evaluation possible. Prior to beginning the operational testing phase, officials had also failed to properly address 941 design flaws during the program's development phase, with 102 listed as \\\"Category I\\\" flaws that \\\"may cause death severe injury,\\\" or lead to major damage to the aircraft or seriously inhibit combat effectiveness. As POGO reported, rather than taking the proper corrective actions, program officials made paperwork adjustments in a series of meetings during the summer of 2018 to make some design flaws, like one involving the emergency transponder and another with the F-35A's emergency tailhook, appear to be less serious \\\"Category II\\\" deficiencies. Each of these 102 flaws could ground aircraft or force them to abort missions. These design flaws likely also contribute to the program's poor availability rates. According to DOT&E, this will have an impact on the operational testing process, which requires an 80 percent availability rate for the 23 aircraft instrumented for operational testing. The fleet is averaging a monthly rate \\\"well below\\\" 80 percent (the rate is not specified in the report), which \\\"will remain a challenge for the efficient conduct and timely completion of .\\\" U.S. Air Force Senior Airman Zachary Weeks, 33d Aircraft Maintenance Squadron F-35A crew chief, exits an F-35A Lightning II intake after completing a post flight inspection on December 8, 2016. (Photo: U.S. Air Force / Staff Sgt. Peter Thompson) The operational testing plan also hinges on use of a complex simulation facility capable of reproducing the multi-plane enemy and friendly formations and the dense threat environment inevitable in any war against a near-peer adversary. This is necessary because the available test aircraft and the open-air test ranges in the western United States cannot replicate all the modern threats flights of six or more F-35s might face. But, troublingly, DOT&E reports that the simulation facility is not expected to be fully functional until late 2019, right at the end of the current operational testing schedule. \\\"Without , the IOT&E will be unable to adequately assess the F-35 against dense and modern threats that are not available for open-air testing, resulting in operational risk,\\\" the report states. Known as the Joint Simulation Environment and located at Maryland's Naval Air Station Patuxent River, the facility took over from the mismanaged and failed Lockheed VSim simulator development program. Programmers are now attempting to develop accurate, verified and validated F-35 cockpit simulators and ground and airborne threat simulators for pilots to fly virtual multi-ship missions against multiple enemy missile and aircraft defensive arrays, but, according to the report, this has run into serious problems. The simulation facility can only produce credible and useful test results if its computer programs are based on accurate data from the F-35's demonstrated flight, sensor, and weapons performance--and, according to the report, it is not clear that they are. The necessary data is gathered during flight tests and integrated into the simulation program, which is then supposed to complete a verification and validation process. However, DOT&E found that simulator development began without the crucial verification and validation step having been completed. On top of that, the basic and essential terrain modeling--familiar to anyone who has used a flight simulator on their home computer--has yet to be finished. Most distressingly, the physical facilities where all of this operates, which are to include cockpits and visuals, and even the buildings themselves, were not even completed by the start of operational testing. Yet it appears that the F-35 program office intends to keep to its current operational testing schedule. Because the simulators will likely not be complete until the tail end of the schedule, the resulting report assessing the F-35's combat suitability will likely have no valid basis for judging whether the F-35 can survive against a dense, multi-threat environment or whether it can function effectively in real-world four- or eight-ship formations. Conflicts of Interest Skewing Operational Testing Results Ensuring the absence of bias in test planning, execution, and reporting is just as important as having adequate resources and managing testing competently. Congress created DOT&E in the 1980s as an independent testing office in the Department of Defense to end the practice of contractors and the services' acquisition advocates writing and grading their own exams. Nevertheless, the F-35 program office approved Lockheed Martin, the F-35's prime contractor and the firm with the most to gain from a favorable operational assessment, to conduct one key F-35 system test and to analyze and report on the results of another. Officials in the F-35 Joint Program Office are making paper reclassifications of potentially life-threatening design flaws to make them appear less serious, likely in an attempt to prevent the $1.5 trillion program from blowing through another schedule deadline and budget cap. First, instead of using a government cyber red team, as it should have done to avoid even the appearance of a conflict of interest in the process, the program office paid a Lockheed Martin red team to do the cybersecurity testing of the company's own ALIS network--the heart and brains of the worldwide ALIS network--as part of the overall cyber-vulnerability evaluation of ALIS. Second, the program office paid Lockheed Martin to analyze F-35 live-fire vulnerability tests and produce the F-35 Vulnerability Assessment Report on whether the aircraft met their contractual specifications and military requirements for pilot survival against four air-defense threat weapons. The Lockheed study determined, according to this year's DOT&E report, that the three \\\"F-35 variants meet JSF contract specification requirements to enable safe ejection of the pilot in the event of an engagement\\\" for three out of the four threats. That's the opposite result from the 2017 DOT&E report, which stated that the F-35B failed to meet pilot-survival specifications for three out of the four threats, and that the F-35's vulnerability was higher than expected. The Lockheed analysis also concluded, unsurprisingly, that the F-35 met its military requirements to be at least as survivable as the legacy F-16 by managing to return to safe territory after being hit by each of the four threats. Curiously, Lockheed's Vulnerability Assessment Report did not analyze the other major legacy plane slated to be replaced by the F-35, the famously survivable A-10. Apparently to temper suspicions of bias, DOT&E states it will do an independent review of Lockheed's conclusions--but it will not report the results until after operational testing is complete, so the results will be all but useless for this key phase. Lockheed was also entrusted with doing an overall analysis and summary of all of the Navy's F-35 live-fire-test data, which will likely influence all future computer modeling of F-35 survivability rates in combat. The DOT&E report does not indicate when this study is expected to be released. Report Missing Key Data to Assess Progress At 14 pages, this year's assessment is much shorter than those of previous years. The 2017 report was a full 29 pages, while the 2016 report was 61. The gap between the arbitrary end of developmental testing last April and the beginning of operational testing in December 2018 partially explains this report's brevity. But that does not explain the omission of significant information from this year's report, particularly areas of reporting that had been included before. As noted earlier, the report does not contain a single mention of the program's fully mission capable rate, from this year or any year. The 26 percent rate reported in the last assessment was appalling, and likely caused program leaders a great deal of embarrassment. That is hardly an excuse to leave out the figure this year. Meanwhile, the F-35 Joint Program Office is sticking to its current schedule--despite hundreds of critical, unresolved design flaws. DOT&E also withheld new data about key performance metrics that were included in the 2017 report. The 2018 report contains only two charts of data, down from last year's ten. The 2017 report included a chart showing the program's availability rates broken down by location, with detailed numbers. This year's report simply said the rate was below the program's goal of 60 percent. The 2017 report also included a chart listing the weapons delivery accuracy test events and the success and failure status for air-to-air missile firings, air-to-ground deliveries, and gunnery. Aside from the discussion of the gun test, no mention of the program's combat-testing performance appeared in the 2018 report--even though further tests were conducted. Security concerns must not have been the deciding factor in leaving that out, as the Air Force made public a successful test event in April 2018, well within the reporting period of the latest assessment. Under federal law, the testing office must write an annual report on the programs it reviews and submit an unclassified version simultaneously with submission of any classified version. The smaller amount of information included in this report compared to previous years suggests that DOT&E may be taking cues from the White House and Pentagon leadership on reducing transparency and withholding information that had previously been made public. Testing Office and Congress Must Protect Troops and Taxpayer Interests Now nearly a decade behind schedule and $200 billion over budget, the F-35 program continues to perform far below expectations--and is nowhere near to fulfilling the Pentagon and Lockheed's many promises. Its continuing performance and design failures are not commensurate with the massive investments made for the past 20 years. At this point, the operational testers should complete the original stringent testing plan agreed to by the services, the F-35 program office, and DOT&E, without succumbing to powerful political pressure to sacrifice combat-realism for expediency. Only then will anyone know if the F-35 will actually work in combat--and whether our troops would be well supported when the F-35 replaces the A-10. Until then, to serve the troops and taxpayers better, Congress should stop increasing F-35 production rates every year, as every incompletely tested, deficiency-laden F-35 built will waste even more taxpayer dollars on costly retrofits. Congress should also demand that DOT&E return to its previous transparency. Lawmakers should then use that operational test transparency to shoulder their oversight responsibilities, and demand that the withheld information be made public. The American people, especially the men and women who will have to trust their lives to the F-35, deserve nothing less. An earlier version of this investigation reported that former Secretary of Defense James Mattis had set an 80 percent target fully mission capable rate, rather than mission capable rate. This has since been corrected. The Center for Defense Information at POGO aims to secure far more effective and ethical military forces at significantly lower cost. Help us shine a light on government waste, fraud, and corruption. From rooting out wasteful spending at the Pentagon to defending our constitutional right to privacy, POGO fights day in and day out for a more effective government that better serves the people it's supposed to serve--you. But we can only continue to do this with your help. Donation Options * $35 * $50 * $100 * $500 Dan Grazier is the Jack Shanahan Military Fellow at the Center for Defense Information at POGO. Related Tags Related Content Site Footer Oversight in your inbox. Sign up to receive POGO's latest updates and newsletters via email. home Search Documents and Resources \"\n },\n \"sort\": [\n 1579772556114\n ]\n },\n {\n \"_index\": \"doc_2020-01_7166c64f-418b-4424-b53c-b8fb7855a352\",\n \"_type\": \"_doc\",\n \"_id\": \"139498984\",\n \"_score\": null,\n \"_source\": {\n \"tags\": [\n \"news\",\n \"news-us\",\n \"news-glob\"\n ],\n \"geo_primary\": \"37.774929,-122.419416\",\n \"geo_secondary\": [\n \"37.774929,-122.419416\"\n ],\n \"wSpacemeta\": {\n \"alexa_rank\": 1520,\n \"email_pattern\": \"{first}_{last}@wired.com\"\n },\n \"created\": 1579739400000,\n \"url\": \"https://www.wired.com/story/the-737-max-delay-is-just-one-of-boeings-many-problems\",\n \"owner\": \"7166c64f-418b-4424-b53c-b8fb7855a352\",\n \"workspace\": 1654,\n \"source\": \"WIRED\",\n \"authors\": [\n \"Sean Gallagher\"\n ],\n \"images:\": [\n \"https://media.wired.com/photos/5e289fd02df06f00083ed909/master/w_2560%2Cc_limit/Transpo-boeing737max-1133230488.jpg\",\n 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sorts of reasons--capped off in December by the failure of the company's Starliner commercial crew vehicle to achieve the right orbit in its uncrewed debut. But the biggest of the company's problems remains the 737 MAX, grounded since last spring after two crashes that killed 346 people between them. Combined, the crashes are the worst air disaster since September 11, 2001. ARS TECHNICA This story originally appeared on Ars Technica, a trusted source for technology news, tech policy analysis, reviews, and more. Ars is owned by WIRED's parent company, Cond\\ufffd Nast. Both were at least partially caused by a sensor failure with no redundancy and a problem with MCAS, the new software controlling the handling of the aircraft that the air crews had not been trained to overcome. Boeing executives are now telling the company's 737 MAX customers that the software fix required to make the airliner airworthy will not be approved in the near future, and that it will likely be June or July before the Federal Aviation Administration certifies the aircraft for flight again--meaning that the aircraft will have been grounded for at least 16 months. The FAA, for its part, has not committed to any timeframe for recertifying the aircraft. In an emailed statement, an FAA spokesperson said \\\"We continue to work with other safety regulators to review Boeing's work, as the company conducts the required safety assessments and addresses all issues that arise during testing.\\\" In the past, Boeing could rely on its space and defense divisions to keep the company rallying when its commercial airliner business faltered, and vice versa. But over the past decade, Boeing's defense, space, and security businesses--consolidated into a single division in 2017--have not been booming. And growth in overall revenues came largely because of the sales of the 737 MAX. Boeing, once known for a culture of safety and rigorous engineering, has over the past decade gained a reputation for sloppy work, blown deadlines, and flat-out scandal. Space Cases The CST-100 Starliner commercial crew spacecraft was supposed to be a slam dunk--a contest that, given the company's reputation in space systems (as a partner in United Launch Alliance and one of the major contributors in building and sustaining the International Space Station), would have seemed to have been Boeing's to lose. Yet Boeing has been doing just that. The program suffered a series of setbacks, including a problem with a pad test of its abort system. In November, NASA's inspector general reported that the Starliner would cost 60 percent more per seat than SpaceX's Crew Dragon. The Crew Dragon completed a successful unmanned demo in March of last year. And despite an explosive failure on the launch pad last April, SpaceX managed to come back and complete its last unmanned test this month. The failure to reach the ISS orbit with the Demo 1 launch of the Starliner was the result of a very expensive software failure. And while the rest of the flight was proclaimed to be successful--including a soft landing on land at White Sands Space Harbor in New Mexico--there were other problems related to the failure of thrusters on the service module connected to the way they were used to try to raise Starliner's orbit. Those thruster issues may have caused the spacecraft to fail other tests. Meanwhile, Boeing's piece of the Space Launch System has had a long road toward delivery, with its first core stage just completed. The delays have further pushed back all of the programs linked to it, including NASA's current lunar plans, and the rocket is unlikely to see its first flight until 2021. Sure, most of the spending on the program--72 percent--has been on overhead costs. So not all of the cost overruns are Boeing's fault. But Boeing's costs in the cost-plus program have been growing unexpectedly. All that apparently doesn't matter to NASA, which is going ahead and buying the rockets--offering up $270 million on top of the cost-plus contract to deliver 10 of them. Tanking It Advertisement The program is $3 billion over budget and three years behind schedule. Debris left behind from manufacturing the airframes has slowed down delivery of the planes. There are problems with the system used to steer the refueling boom, and it looks like the aircraft won't be able to use wing-mounted refueling pods until at least the middle of this year--limiting the tanker's aerial refueling role. And that is its main job. Boeing took a $272 million hit on the program because the company had to redesign the tanker's wiring. Then there were \\\"technical and supply chain\\\" problems that led to further delays. While the Air Force has begun taking delivery on the tankers, the aircraft entered initial operational capability testing two years behind schedule. And last year, the aircraft was banned from carrying passengers or cargo--a big part of its mission--after cargo broke free of lockdowns during flight. To top it off, delivery is behind schedule, and the Air Force doesn't expect to reach its full operational capability with the aircraft until 2022--maybe. As of the end of the 2019 fiscal year, the Air Force had seen delivery of 18 aircraft to air bases, with one more completed and awaiting delivery--making the total quantity one greater than what Boeing was supposed to deliver in 2017 under the contract. A New Legacy Boeing has a bunch of other military programs in play. But with the F/A-18 Super Hornet now entering a legacy phase with the Navy and Marine Corps, and fewer buyers overseas, and with Boeing taking a back seat in a partnership with Lockheed's Sikorsky for Army helicopter competitions, the company's military footprint could be shrinking fast. A lot is riding, literally, on Boeing's space operations going forward. But given the problems Boeing's programs have faced over the past few years, capped off by the 737 MAX mess, we shouldn't wonder why Congress is taking an interest in getting more oversight over the company. And the future of all of Boeing's businesses is riding on the company regaining trust. This story originally appeared on Ars Technica. More Great WIRED Stories * He wanted a unicorn. He got ... a sustainable business * Hollywood bets on a future of quick clips and tiny screens * Cats are making Australia's bushfire tragedy even worse * Public blast or private chat? Social media maps a middle way * \\ufffd Upgrade your work game with our Gear team's favorite laptops, keyboards, typing alternatives, and noise-canceling headphones Featured Video How NASA Tests Shapeshifting Plane Wings TopicsArs Technicaboeing WIRED is where tomorrow is realized. It is the essential source of information and ideas that make sense of a world in constant transformation. The WIRED conversation illuminates how technology is changing every aspect of our lives--from culture to business, science to design. 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Cohen The Air Force may soon welcome its third consecutive female secretary at a time when the nation has yet to see a woman as Army or Navy secretary or as secretary of defense. The Senate Armed Services Committee will hold a Sept. 12 confirmation hearing for Barbara Barrett, President Donald Trump's nominee to be the next Air Force secretary. Barrett is a former Federal Aviation Administration deputy administrator and former chairman of the board of trustees for the nonprofit Aerospace Corp., and a past member of the Defense Advisory Committee on Women in the Services (DACOWITS) during George H.W. Bush's presidency. How the Air Force came to be the likeliest spot for female senior civilian leaders in the Department of Defense may be because it places a greater emphasis on technology and that women are more likely to have relevant backgrounds applicable to air and space than in the ground or maritime domains, some experts say. Others argue it's simply a case of good timing. Read the full story and more in Air Force Magazine. Authors Deputy Director of Studies Loren DeJonge Schulman is the Deputy Director of Studies and the Leon E. Panetta Senior Fellow at the Center for a New American Security. Her research interests include nation... 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